Domestic
and Institutional Interiors
in Early Modern Europe
Victoria
& Albert Museum, London
19-20 November 2004
Please note, the
conference will consist of fourteen papers (Abstracts below) and will
close with a plenary discussion to be led by contributions from Professor
Dame Olwen Hufton (Royal Holloway, University of London), Dr. Anton Schuurman
(Wageningen Agricultural University) and Dr. Louise Durning (Oxford Brookes
University).
Speakers' Abstracts
RENATA AGO (University La Sapienza, Italy)
"Middle Sort" Domestic interiors in Seventeenth-Century
Rome
The study of material culture in late Renaissance Rome is interesting
for a number of reasons: on the one hand the Roman court was well ahead
in the area of cultural consumption, on the other hand it is usually claimed
that the citys social structure was clearly polarized between a
very rich nobility, and very poor groups. Although we know that in Rome
the art market was thriving, we know very little of the circulation of
other types of goods. The use of domestic furnishings and objects, can
tell us a lot about questions such as taste, the social distribution of
cultural consumption, the nature of domestic goods and objects, and peoples
standards of living. Drawing on nearly seventy inventories, my paper looks
at the domestic interiors of men and women from middle social groups
gentlemen, lawyers, merchants, and artisans. Some documents allow us to
have an idea of the layout of the house, and the distribution of goods
and objects within the house. Other documents just provide a general description
of every object found in the house. The crucial points which emerged from
my research are:
the rather clearly marked difference between male and female domestic
interiors
the evolution of style from the beginning and the end of the seventeenth
century
the continuity
of certain features
the large presence of imported products, mostly from other Italian
states
the abundance of 'cultural' manufactured products
the progressive diffusion of 'gallant' objects
LUÍS ANTUNES (Instituto de Investigação Científica
Tropical)
Some Domestic Interiors in the Inventories of Lisbon Merchants:
An Appraisal of the Symbolic Value of Asian Objects
By the end of the seventeenth century the luxury industries in textile,
house ware and furniture were virtually non-existent in Portugal. In contrast,
the domestic interiors of the wealthy were marked by the presence of many
Oriental sumptuary objects. They reached Lisbon from the Indian Ocean
at relatively low cost, and were sophisticatedly crafted, reaching a technical
level that no domestic industry could supply. Even when Brazil replaced
India as the most profitable Portuguese colony, Brazilian merchants continued
to purchase Asian objects that were used mainly to furnish their houses.
The domestic use of these objects cannot be forgotten. Even if owned by
merchants, they were not used as merchandise, and were mainly transmitted
in the family, being an important element in the formation of the social
identity of their owners.
In Lisbon, these items
were powerful status symbols, and in a pre-banking era were used as a
means of accumulating wealth. Being both an investment and a luxury asset,
they occupied a significant place in post-mortem inventories. This paper
deals with the study of inventories from some of the Portuguese merchants
who traded with India and Brazil, with the purpose of appraising their
weight in comparison with landed property. Also, an evaluation of the
hierarchy of values accorded to different objects shall be attempted.
BARBARA BETTONI (Università degli Studi di Brescia, Italy)
Domestic Interiors and Devotion in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century
Brescia
This paper provides
an overview of the domestic space assigned to devotion in Brescia during
the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries. Attention will focus in particular
on families belonging to the middle and upper classes. The analysis is
based on inventories, polizze destimo and private correspondence,
and it considers both the rooms designated to devotion inside the house,
and the furnishings, books, linen and art objects devoted to this function.
After an introduction outlining the transformation of domestic spaces
into devotional ones (chiesa, cappella, sacrestia, camera), the
contribution provides a description of the furnishings and objects that
were specifically produced for devotional purposes, as well as of altari,
oratori, acquasantiere, agnus dei and reliquiari. Then attention
shifts to objects that were not specifically created for devotion but
turned into devotional objects during their 'life', according to the owners
personal taste and necessity (e.g. pettiniere and toilette tables
used as little altare in the private rooms and in the bedrooms).
The case study presented in the central part of the paper concentrates
on a family that played a very important role in this period not only
in Brescia but also in the Republic of Venice: the Gambaras. What is interesting
about the Gambara family is that they were not living in a court environment.
The material culture of the Italian aristocracy has been studied so far
as a reflection of courtly fashion and standards of consumption. In Brescia,
the upper class interior seems by contrast to have been rather free of
negotiating different cultural models, taking inspiration from the Republic
of Venice, the Courts of Mantua and Ferrara and the symbols of ecclesiastic
power in Milan. The Gambara family appears therefore to have played a
creative role in their visual and material culture that ties in with their
role as political mediators.
Like other Brescian families in this period, the Gambaras were also particularly
devoted to San Carlo Borromeo to whom they were related by kinship, they
usually had a private chapel and specific rooms in the house specifically
designated to this devotion. This practice was not just widespread among
the local aristocracy but also involved families belonging to the lower
middle classes (artisans and shopkeepers, for instance) who usually reserved
an area of their dwelling, normally of the bedroom, to devotion.
MOLLY BOURNE (Department
of Fine Arts, Syracuse University in Florence)
From Court to Cloister and Back Again: The Circulation of Objects
in the Mantuan Convent of SantOrsola
With the suppression of the Mantuan convent of SantOrsola in 1786,
a detailed 'Inventario generale deMobili, Arredi, e Suppellettili
sagre' was drawn up. Today in the Mantuan State Archives, this document
shows that the convent churchs decorative program had remained essentially
unchanged from the original vision of its founder, Margherita Gonzaga
dEste (1564-1618), who established the Clarissan convent of SantOrsola
in 1599 following the death of her husband Alfonso II dEste, Duke
of Ferrara. A formidable art collector, the dowager Duchess of Ferrara
returned to her native Mantua in 1597 accompanied by fifty cart-loads
of possessions, including her personal quadreria. Margherita used
her paintings and objects to adorn the interior spaces of SantOrsola
(according to the inventory, over fifty of the convents nearly 200
rooms were decorated), where she presided over her own female monastic
court from 1603 until her death in 1618. Athough SantOrsolas
nuns lived in clausura, Margherita did not take vows and enjoyed special
privileges, receiving relatives, ambassadors and important guests in her
private apartment that was designed to prevent visitors from seeing members
of the convent. Yet not all of Margheritas art collection entered
SantOrsola with her: correspondence in the Medici Granducal Archives
in Florence indicates that she donated an Ecce Homo by Correggio
to Caterina deMedici (1593-1630), who came to Mantua in 1617 to
marry Margheritas nephew, Duke Ferdinando Gonzaga. Caterina brought
this painting into SantOrsola when she withdrew there after Ferdinandos
death in 1626, although when she departed Mantua six months later it returned
to the Gonzaga collections, where it is listed in the inventory of 1626-27.
Letters and inventories related to Caterinas brief sojourn with
the Mantuan Clarisse provide further notice of objects that moved
back and forth between convent and court: while inside SantOrsola,
she received fine linens, special Lenten foods and other gifts, but when
she left for her native Tuscany she took along objects like her scented
glove holders, silver fruit cups and a 'straw hat that once belonged to
Sig.ra Margherita [Gonzaga dEste]'. Finally, in her will
drawn up in SantOrsola on the eve of her departure the Medici
Duchess bequeathed a wooden crucifix, a silver pietà, and paintings
of saints and devotional subjects to the Abbess and other named nuns in
the convent.
Using examples such as these, my paper examines the presence of Margherita
Gonzaga dEste and Caterina deMedici Gonzaga at SantOrsola
as catalysts for the bi-directional passage of objects through its monastic
walls and the reciprocal influence between domestic courtly and female
institutional space in post-Tridentine Mantua.
HENRY DIETRICH
FERNÁNDEZ (Rhode Island School of Design, US)
A Temporary Home: Bramantes Conclave Hall for Julius II
During the Renaissance, the Vatican Palace was the site of the most worldly
of all religious institutions, lavishly adorned with splendid architecture,
furnishings and frescos. The pope, his cardinals and the members of the
papal famiglia moved freely between the spiritual and secular worlds.
In Paolo Cortesis De cardinalatu, cardinals, like the heads of the
baronial families, were portrayed as princes of Renaissance Rome, living
in sumptuous fashion. Yet there was a moment in the lifecycle of most
cardinals when they would have to endure enclosure, and be shut away from
the rest of the world, along with their fellow princes of the church.
This was the time of conclave, when they were locked in a room together
to elect a new pope. This paper will consider the motives behind the design
of a massive never-completed Conclave Hall, ca. 1509, for Julius II by
Bramante, and how a conclave hall functioned within the institutional
life of the papacy. Julius, as Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, had participated
in four conclaves, including his own, and the election of his nemesis,
Alexander VI. As such, he had experienced first hand all the tensions,
squabbling and political bargaining between cardinals to see their favourite
elected.
Previously, housing of the ever-increasing College of Cardinals during
a conclave had been a logistical problem, grouping the cardinals
bedsteads in a series of rooms including the Sala Regia and the Sale Ducale.
Julius wanted to see elections proceed in a more socially and spatially
harmonious fashion. To remedy this problem, Bramantes scheme would
have created a space that could accommodate them all within one colossal
hall, surpassing the size, by more than four times, and the splendour
of the Sistine Chapel.
MARIA HAYWARD (The AHRB Textile Conservation Centre, University of Southampton)
'Signs of a Spiritual Life? An Analysis of the Possessions and Houses
of the Black, White and Grey Friars in Mid Sixteenth-Century England
This paper will focus upon the series of inventories taken of the monastic
houses owned by the Black, White and Grey Friars in the 1530s at the time
of their dissolution. The inventories record the Friars' possessions house
by house and then room by room within each property. Consequently, it
is possible to get a clear picture of what these all-male communities
owned and how their possessions were distributed and a view of what was
held in common and what, if anything, was not. It is also possible to
assess the level of provision made for the individual communities, the
quality of the objects they owned, the provision of objects to provide
comfort, both corporal and spiritual, and the split of objects between
the religious and domestic space within each monastic house.
Many of the objects recorded within the inventories reflect the traditional
way of life enjoyed by the Friars within these religious houses since
their establishment and so they provide a sense of continuity within the
community. Notes on the inventories also make it possible to chart what
happened to some of the objects at the time of the dissolution
sale, conversion to secular use, the re-use of materials and destruction.
In particular, the inventories provide some interesting glimpses into
the use of devotional objects, such as alabaster carvings, small panel
paintings and altar pieces. Context will be provided by considering how
the use of objects and domestic space by the friars compares with secular
use at the time and the use of objects within parish churches.
HELEN HILLS (University of Manchester)
'The Housing of Institutional Architecture: Searching for a Domestic Holy
in Seventeenth-Century Italian Convents
This paper examines the possibility of a 'domestic holy' interior within
female conventual institutions in seventeenth-century Rome and Naples.
In considering the inter-connections between domestic and conventual interiors
in early modern Italy, scholars have generally approached the problem
by searching for dynastic markers and signs of familial comfort within
convents, particularly inside the cells of individual nuns. And indeed
nuns' cells did sometimes boast a significant array of luxury goods, furniture,
and furnishings. The model here is of the 'domestic' being transplanted
to an institutional interior, and recognised as 'domestic' because it
reproduces aspects of dynastic palace living/ furnishings.
While this model has allowed us far better to understand the degree to
which aristocratic nuns maintained their noble habitus within grand convents,
it tends to present the domestic exclusively in terms of the secular,
and to ignore the communal spaces of conventual complexes. By contrast,
little attention has been paid to the ways in which holiness within conventual
interiors was rendered domestic and personal. And little consideration
has focused on how nuns themselves described, or reflected on, the interiors
of their institutions in their writings.
This paper examines how nuns domesticized and personalized institutional
space outside their cells, and how they wrote about this. The paper considers
whether nuns can be said to have personalized or domesticized the holy,
or at least specific aspects of devotion, as they sought to carve out
personalized devotions and informal altars outside of formal church space.
In discussing the way in which nuns themselves wrote about conventual
spaces, this paper suggests that our scholarly conflation between the
domestic and the dynastic (blood family) and bourgeois `home' has tended
to obscure the degree both to which convents were indeed familial and
necessarily domestic institutions, and the degree to which religious devotion
might be rendered domestic.
JANE KROMM (Purchase
College SUNY, US)
Domestic Spatial Economies and Dutch Charitable Institutions
Civic institutions built or enlarged during the early modern period in
the Netherlands were indebted on various levels to domestic models and
practices. Above and beyond the common monastic prototype which they shared,
hospitals, workhouses and asylums in particular featured such discrete
residential architectural elements as gallery and hall (voorsael), and
incorporated the domestic strategies associated with these spaces into
their routines and regulations. The governing bodies of these institutions
were often preoccupied with issues relating to access, ingress, and observation,
those socio-visual practices that accrued around the treatment of entry
and gallery spaces. A concern with the boundaries between public and private,
and with the ritual practices associated with threshold locations not
only influenced the design and protocols of these institutions in the
direction of residential prototypes, it also affected the iconography
of the sculptural ornamentation commissioned for facades and gardens.
This paper will examine the spatial arrangements and sculptural representations
at three Dutch institutions St. Elisabeths Gasthuis in Haarlem,
the Pesthuis in Rotterdam, and the Dolhuis (asylum) in Amsterdam
in order to explore the symbolic economy of prospect and recess, of access
and
enigma, that characterized Dutch domestic interiors and civic institutions.
ANNE EC McCANTS (MIT, US)
A Home Fit for Children: The Material Possessions of Amsterdam Orphans
This paper explores the multiple material worlds of seventeenth and eighteenth
century orphans from Amsterdam. Using probate inventories drawn up on
those households leaving minor children to the Municipal Orphanage following
the death of both parents, in combination with documents concerning the
material life of the institution itself, this paper compares the well-being
of children, as measured by their access to material goods, before and
after the dissolution of their natal households. Of particular interest
are the kinds of furniture, clothing, precious objects, and especially
toys and/or games available to the children in both of these settings.
Life in the orphanage was on average materially richer than in the poor
to middling households from which the children came. But it was also more
uniform, suppressing even the limited capacity for self expression that
is manifested in the childrens households of origin. It is also
the case that the average financial contribution made for each child once
orphaned was substantially greater than what all but the wealthiest of
these households could have afforded for their own children.
Furthermore, this paper explores the allocation of the orphanages
substantial financial expenditure on each child, again with a particular
emphasis on the quality of the material life which it afforded. How did
the institution make allocation decisions between the quantity and quality
of food provision versus more durable goods such as clothing, furniture,
and educational materials? What factors, either religious and/or civic,
contributed to the felt need for such generous care of orphans? The provision
of special clothing and Bibles to all of the children, and in addition
hats to the boys, at their graduation from the institution speaks particularly
clearly to the social mores which dictated the level of care and the composition
of the material goods available to orphans in the Amsterdam Municipal
Orphanage.
SUSAN MERRIAM (Bard College, Division of the Arts, US)
The Garland Pictures Two Receptions
This paper examines the differing receptions of the so-called 'garland
pictures' within an ecclesiastic institutional environment, and within
middle-class and royal private collections. Garland pictures depict a
holy figure enframed by a richly painted floral wreath, and were a popular
devotional genre in parts of seventeenth-century Europe. Milan-based Cardinal
Federico Borromeo has been credited with the forms invention: he
commissioned the first garland painting from his favorite artist, Fleming
Jan Brueghel, who completed it in collaboration with fellow Fleming Hendrick
van Balen (with few exceptions, garland pictures tended to be collaboratively
made). Borromeo used the garland picture and eventually, two others like
it for teaching in his academy, a tripartite institution designed
to foster the artistic goals of the Counter Reformation. Scholars have
interpreted Borromeos garland pictures as evidence of his desire
to revive the cult of images in the wake of the sixteenth-century iconoclasm.
In the first portion of the paper, I look closely at the images
form, and at their use by the Cardinal. I argue that while it is true
that the Cardinals images are devotional, and linked to Counter
Reformation aims, they must also be viewed as curiosity objects
that is, the kind of natural and artificial wonders then popular in private
collections. The images collaborative execution (conjoining two
styles), juxtaposition of art and nature, and trompe loeil aspects
are just some of the characteristics that link them to the culture of
curiosity.
In the second portion of the paper, I show how Jan Brueghel imported the
garland pictures to northern Europe (they had almost no afterlife in Italy),
and argue that collectors were attracted to these devotional images in
part because their 'curious' aspects related to contemporary collecting
practices. I then consider the complex ways garland pictures functioned
in middle-class and royal collections, using inventories, paintings of
collections, and the images themselves. I demonstrate that middle-class
and royal collectors alike placed much more emphasis on the display of
the image within the collection than did Borromeo, who emphasized its
presence as a discreet object. Royal collectors, for example, played-up
decorative aspects of the tribute wreath, developing elaborate wall-sized
displays of floral forms. Middle-class collectors frequently placed the
garland pictures on the chimney, the most important display space in the
room (and one that in some ways functioned as a secular altar). Finally,
I show how middle-class and royal collectors alike often foregrounded
the 'curious particularly trompe loeil aspects of
the garland pictures, to the extent that their devotional meaning was
substantially changed and in some instances, completely obscured.
ISABEL DOS GUIMARÃES
SÁ (Universidade do Minho, Portugal)
Between Spiritual and Material Culture: Devotional, Domestic, and
Institutional Objects in Sixteenth-Century Portugal
This paper deals with a period of Portuguese history in which wealth became
an issue, that is, the moment when king D. Manuel started to benefit from
large sums of money coming from the spice trade. Heir to the tradition
of devotio moderna, the royal court did have to justify in the eyes of
God the increasing presence of luxury objects, which contrasted with the
ideals of Franciscan voluntary poverty that were very influential at the
time. One of the solutions to dealing with the problem of surplus wealth
was through the acquisition of objects that could furnish the private
chapels of royal courts. Another was the gift of liturgic objects that
were given on a personal basis to recently appointed bishops. Such objects
could serve God and testify to the devotion and generosity of either the
owner or the donor. I shall explore both inventories of private chapels
and the series of objects donated to metropolitan sees. These religious
objects contrasted sharply with both domestic and hospital interiors,
where simplicity and frugality was the rule, even if the respective oratories
or chapels were lavishly equipped with liturgical and devotional objects,
in which books were non-negligible items. This contrast testified to an
order of values in which luxuries of the body were sinful in the eyes
of God and men, and where wealth should serve the spirit.
RAFFAELLA SARTI
(Università di Urbino, Italy and Centre de Recherche Historiques,
ÉHÉSS, Paris)
Masters and Servants: Separate and Common Spaces in Early Modern
Italian Interiors
This paper will focus on separate and common spaces for masters and servants
in early modern Italian interiors. On the one hand, there were separate
spaces for domestic personnel, particularly in palaces and big houses.
On the other hand, however, servants because of their work and
duties had often to stay very close to their masters, often even
sharing bedrooms with them and sometimes the bed itself (particularly
in non affluent families).
The aim of the paper is to evaluate if and how spaces and furniture were
conceived and used to shape the masters and the servants role
as well as the servants hierarchy. Moreover, the paper will devote
particular attention to the issue of gender, trying to identify female
and male spaces both in the case of masters and servants.
The analysis will start with the case of the Ducal Palace of Urbino, which
had both an institutional and a domestic role, given that it was at the
same time the site of the court and the residence of the ducal family.
I will analyse the Palace not only through maps, plans, drawings and ancient
descriptions, but also by examining some domestic objects and some graffiti
that have survived on the walls until today.
Although the material concerning the Urbino Palace will be the main source
for this paper, the study will also employ other sources (architectural
texts, normative texts, trials and iconography). This will allow me to
some extent to expand the analysis to other cases, concerning both elite
and lower social groups.
ANNE JACOBSON SCHUTTE (University of Virginia, US)
Interiors of Monastic Hell
Between the late 1570s and 1798, more than 500 monks, friars, and nuns
submitted supplications to the papal Congregation of the Council for release
from their monastic vows on the ground that they had been compelled by
force and fear to take them. In petitioners' homes, a large cast of characters
parents, step-parents, uncles, aunts, grandparents, godparents,
siblings, and servants following their masters' orders employed
reclusion, food deprivation, threats or imposition of physical violence,
and psychological pressure to intimidate adolescents into entering religious
life. In monastic houses, once they had unwillingly professed, these religious
avoided as much as possible conforming to the monastic discipline imposed
on them. Only many years or even decades later, after the deaths of the
forcers, did most reluctant religious dare to petition for release.
Emphasizing the domestic spaces in which force and fear was exerted and
the monastic spaces from which the supplicants sought release, this paper
considers two particularly revealing cases. The ordeal of Catherine Guillermin
(b. circa 1659; case heard 1705-07) began in a patrician residence in
Toulouse, where her father and maternal grandmother, aided reluctantly
by her mother, employed various means of forcing her to become a nun.
That of Teresa Livia Felice Pallavicino (b. 1692; case heard 1716-21)
commenced in the modest Roman dwelling of her maternal grandmother, where
her mother was deflowered and impregnated by a nobleman. When the fruit
of this coerced union reached her teens, it continued in her mother's
house and father's palazzo, where he used repeated threats of withdrawing
financial support from his long-time lover and his daughter to achieve
the same end.
Inside their convents (five successive ones in Guillermin's case), both
expressed their conviction that forced professions had not made them real
nuns in such spatially related ways as refusing to attend services in
the choir and threatening to escape by drowning themselves in the well
or plunging to their death from the walls. Guillermin made wax impressions
of the key to the exterior door of the convent in the vain hope of letting
herself out; Pallavicino imagined the keyhole's expanding so that she
could crawl through it. In locations ranging from cells to windows adjoining
those of other convents to grates in parlors, they availed themselves
of every opportunity to harangue fellow nuns, novices, educande, servants,
and visitors about their plight. Despairing of release, they foresaw spending
eternity in a subterranean space, hell. The Congregation of the Council
granted both petitions, at which point Guillermin's and Pallavicino's
stories, like most legal tales, end.
MARKO STUHEC (University
of Ljubljana, Slovenia)
Changes and Stability in the Domestic Interiors of the Nobilities
in Slovene Lands in the Seventeenth Century
The paper deals with characteristics of the domestic interiors of nobilities
in Slovene lands. The author has analysed probate inventories of the noble
persons who died in the decades 1651-60 and 1701-1710. He has also used
data from other sources. The seventeenth century witnessed the conversion
of mansions and castels from fortifications into more comfortable residences.
The desire to shape a comfortable living environment was more pronounced
in the second half of the century. It is discernible in an increasing
number of objects at homes listed in the inventories of the first decade
of the 18th century which are connected with drinking coffee or tea. They
reflect new types of consumption, new tastes and new forms of sociability.
Differentiation and diversification of implements used for eating clearly
point to individualisation and to more sophisticated conduct at table
which was reinforced by general use of forks during the second half of
the 17th century. The wish to create more comfortable domestic conditions
can be seen also in wall coverings of different materials which often
matched in colours with bed curtains and window curtains. The latter began
to appear in the second half of the century and slowly extended the space
of intimacy from the bed to the room. In spite of the window curtains
the beds, both simple beds made of crude framework with interweaving bands
and large sumptuous beds with canopies or with flat wooden baldahin, still
remained the privileged place of intimacy. The multifunctionality of most
rooms was still prevalent in the seventeenth century but the trend towards
specialisation and individualisations of the rooms within castels and
other dwellings became more pronounced in the second half of the century.
In spite of drastic differences between rich and poor nobles the fundamental
structure of aristocratic homes was the same. This means that the basic
behavioural patterns and life routines at homes of nobilities in Slovene
lands were basically similar.
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